President Obama’s intention has always been that the US intervention in the war against the Islamic state (IS) takes place in the context of a fruitful cooperation between various countries south and north of the Mediterranean and beyond. The Wales NATO Summit was marked by the announcement with great fanfare of the creation of a ten member coalition against IS. This coalition included one partner that is deeply connected – by vulnerability, proximity and historical reasons – to the cancer that has already spread across Syria and Iraq and threatens to spill over other countries in the region. We are of course speaking about Turkey, a country that is confining itself to making pretty declarations of intent rather than putting an end to the killing on the other side of its border.
THE MOMENT POLITICIANS of all stripes cheered the news, Turkey started acting reluctantly. When Secretary of State John Kerry traveled to Jeddah, charged with broadening the coalition and winning the approval and support of Arab countries, Turkey was the only participant in the summit that refused to sign the September 11th final communiqué. Possibly stifled by the tense atmosphere of the UN General Assembly annual session, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan however surprised everyone by announcing on September 23 a deeper cooperation between his country and the “coalition against terror”. Cooperation could be “military (logistical or intelligence-wise) or political,” but so far no actions have been materialized in this regard. The Turkish Parliament authorized last week the use of force in Syria and Iraq.
“Turkey was the only participant in the summit that refused to sign the September 11th final communiqué”
The immediate reason for this unruly attitude was admittedly fear of retaliation by the Islamic State: when IS took over Mosul, the group kidnapped 49 members of the Turkish consulate, who were finally released on September 20. You might think that now that there are no Turkish citizens in captivity, Turkey has no longer an excuse to appear unenthusiastic. The country is, however, fully aware that it stands in a catch 22 situation: if they join the coalition, the jihadists will again threaten its citizens – for instance the Turkish soldiers responsible for protecting an Ottoman tomb in the Syrian territory under IS control; if not, there is a non-negligible possibility that the situation gets even worse in the immediate neighborhood.
The country also fears alienating its vast Sunni majority, which could happen if it appears more willing to fight alongside Iraqi Shiites than with rebel Sunni Syrians that have been waging a war against Assad for more than three years. In this regard, 57% of the Turkish population is opposed to Obama’s foreign policy, according to the German Marshall Fund Transatlantic Trends Survey. Let’s recall that, according to a survey published back in January, the majority of the population prefers that Turkey remains neutral vis-à-vis the Syrian conflict. The truth is that weakening the Islamic State would do nothing but somehow strengthening Assad’s stance. The Turks are well aware of this, as Prime Minister Davutoglu said on September 20.
ANKARA IS ALSO wary of the possibility that the appeal of the Islamic State may reach its own citizens. According to a recent article published by The New York Times, a significant share of the Turkish population – among which more than one million Syrian refugees may be found – is the perfect breeding ground for extremism and conversion to militant Jihadism. According to some sources, the number of jihadists in Turkey amounts to 600. Not to forget that it is primarily through the 1,200 km porous border between Turkey and Syria that the Syrian opposition – both Jihadists and moderates – are provided with men, money and weapons. All of this is done with the tacit consent of an Islamist government unwilling to directly intervene in the Syrian conflict yet eager to do everything in its power to overthrow Assad.
Turkey’s reaction is not surprising when taking into account that it stands as the only country whose borders are open to refugees from Syria and Iraq – and, consequently, to jihadists from all around the world. In this ordeal Turkey has been denied help by the same Western partners that now demand their support. In fact, the latter were the ones that refused to create a specific fund for refugees Ankara proposed over a year ago. The West also held fast against the Turkish scheme to establish a no-fly zone that might have avoided – or at least delayed – the weakening of the Syrian rebels that has allowed the rise of the Islamic State.
“The importance for the Turks of what might well be called the ‘Kurdish dilemma’ cannot be neglected”
Last but not least, 100.000 Syrian-Kurdish refugees that have still not been allowed to return to their homes entered the country two weekends ago. The importance for the Turks of what might well be called the “Kurdish dilemma” cannot be neglected, particularly if one takes into account that the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party) – a key element in the struggle for a Turkish Kurdistan being granted more autonomy – has joined the Peshmerga and the military wing of the Democratic Union Party (representing the Kurdish community in Syria) to create a Kurdish united front against the jihadist threat, perhaps the seed of what might eventually become a new state called Kurdistan.
The equation whereby “the enemy of my enemy is my friend” doesn’t turn true in the case of Turkey and the PKK, which – according to certain accounts – received some of the weapons and funds the United States and Europe have supplied to the Peshmerga. Ankara has reservations about the PKK using these resources in the future to attack Turkish interests yet again. All this in the context of peace negotiations that have been dragging for years. But this argument has a catch: could the rage of Turkish Kurds at the sight of Kurdish brothers being stranded by the Turkish government lead them to put an end to the peace talks? In fact, the PKK has threatened with terminating the truce as a result of both Turkey’s timid stance regarding peace negotiations and the war in Syria and Iraq, especially after the massacres in Kobani (a Kurdish Syrian town very close to the border with Turkey). So far, at least 22 people have been reportedly killed in clashes involving Kurdish protesters in Turkey.
DESPITE TURKEY’S loath attitude, the truth is that the country also contributes to Western efforts to stabilize the region by exchanging intelligence and strengthening passenger flow monitoring and border patrols. Yet, a foreign policy based on the principle of a strong Turkey – inspired by neo-Ottoman drives – able to shape events in the region, as well as to ensure zero problems with its neighbors, has ended up with a country marginalized by its neighbors when it was intended to be a model for the rest of the international community.